For the scene that the western had not been particularly violent, see Robert R. Dykstra, The Cattle Towns (ny, 1968).
For a characterization of this debate decades that are several, see Robert R. Dykstra, “Quantifying the crazy West: The Problematic Statistics of Frontier Violence, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 40 (Sept. 2009), 321–47. On western bloodshed, but using the assertion that frontier mayhem had been overstated, see Eugene Hollon, Frontier Violence: Another Look (nyc, 1978). For the argument that the frontier had been violent, however in particular methods, see Roger D. McGrath, Gunfighters, Highwaymen, and Vigilantes: Violence in the Frontier (Berkeley, 1984), 247–60. On high homicide prices in counties in Nebraska, Colorado, and Arizona, see Clare V. McKanna, Homicide, Race, and Justice when you look at the United states West, 1880–1920 (Tucson, 1997). For the interpretation associated with the reputation for homicide across United states areas that looks at wider habits and particularity that is regional see Randolph Roth, United states Homicide (Cambridge, Mass., 2009). Leonard, Lynching in Colorado; Carrigan, Making of a Lynching customs; Gonzales-Day, Lynching into the western. On Kansas, see Brent M. S. Campney, “‘Light Is Bursting Upon the global World! ’: White Supremacy and Racist Violence against Blacks in Reconstruction Kansas, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 41 (summer time 2010), 171–94); Brent M. S. Campney, “‘And This in complimentary Kansas’: Racist Violence, Ebony and White Resistance, Geographical Particularity, as well as the ‘Free State’ Narrative in Kansas, 1865 to 1914” (Ph.D. Diss., Emory University, 2007); and Christopher C. Lovett, “A Public Burning: Race, Intercourse, as well as the Lynching of Fred Alexander, ” Kansas History: A Journal associated with Central Plains, 33 (summer time 2010), 94–115. On mob physical physical physical violence in fin-de-siecle southwest Missouri and Arkansas that is northwest Kimberly Harper, White Man’s paradise: The Lynching and Expulsion of Blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1894–1909 (Fayetteville, 2010). The Lynching of Cleo Wright (Lexington, Ky., 1998) on a 1942 lynching in Missouri’s bootheel, see Dominic J. Capeci. For the example of mob physical violence in Indian Territory in 1898, see Daniel F. Littlefield Jr., Seminole Burning: a tale of Racial Vengeance (Jackson, 1996). Zagrando, naacp Crusade against Lynching, 5. On lynching in northeast Texas, see Brandon Jett, “The Bloody Red River: Lynching and Racial Violence in Northeast Texas, 1890–1930” (M.A. Thesis, Texas State University at San Marcos, 2012). On vigilantism in Montana when you look at the 1860s, see Frederick Allen, a significant Orderly Lynching: The Montana Vigilantes (Norman, 2004). For comprehensive state and territory listings of western, midwestern, and lynchings that are northeastern see “Appendix: Lynchings into the Northeast, Midwest, and West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 261–317. For a current evaluation of midwestern history, see Jon K. Lauck, The Lost area: Toward a Revival of Midwestern History (Iowa City, 2013). Feimster, Southern Horrors. For the interpretation of females and kiddies in western lynching, see Helen McLure, “‘Who Dares to create This Female a Woman? ’: Lynching, Gender, and community into the Nineteenth-Century U.S. West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 21–53.
On postbellum lynchings of whites in Alabama as well as other states that are southern see John Howard Ratliff, “‘In Hot Blood’: White-on-White Lynching in addition to Privileges of Race within the American South, 1889–1910” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Alabama, 2007). Walter Howard, Extralegal Violence in Florida through the 1930s (Cranbury, 1995). Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 19–60; Carrigan, Making of the Lynching customs, 112–31; Gilles Vandal, Rethinking Southern Violence: Homicides in Post–Civil War Louisiana, 1866–1884 (Columbus, 2000), 90–109; Baker, This Mob Will Clearly just Take my entire life; Bruce E. Baker, exactly just What Reconstruction Meant: historic Memory into the US Southern (Charlottesville, 2007), 84–87; Williams, xxxstreams com They Left Great markings on me personally; Thompson, Lynchings in Mississippi, 4–16; Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 81–87. For the present interpretation of racial physical violence within the Reconstruction Southern, see Carole Emberton, Beyond Redemption: Race, Violence, while the United states South after the Civil War (Chicago, 2013). Pfeifer, Roots of Harsh Justice, 32–46. For information documenting 56 mob executions of servant and free African Americans in the antebellum Southern, see “Lynchings of African Us citizens within the Southern, 1824–1862, ” ibid., 93–99. For a artificial remedy for lynching in US history which includes conversation of the colonial and antebellum eras and slavery, see Manfred Berg, Popular Justice: a brief history of Lynching in the us (Lanham, 2011).
Nationwide Association for the development of Colored People, Thirty several years of Lynching in the us. On methodological difficulties with lynching data, specially when it comes to areas outside of the Southern, as well as on techniques for compiling a nationwide stock, see Lisa D. Cook, “Converging to a national Lynching Database: current Developments, ” Historical Methods, 45 (April–June 2012), 55–63. On methodological issues active in the quantification of lynching, see Michael Ayers Trotti, “What Counts: Trends in Racial Violence within the Postbellum Southern, ” Journal of American History, 100 (Sept. 2013), 375–400. I really do not share Michael Ayers Trotti’s view that methodological challenges, significant since they are, may outweigh some great benefits of counting American lynchings.
On British and Irish influences on United states lynching and analysis of U.S. Mob physical physical violence in a worldwide context, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 7–11, 67–81, 88–91. From the community that is norwegian collective murder of the Norwegian farmer accused of mistreating their household in Trempeleau County, Wisconsin, in 1889, see Jane M. Pederson, “Gender, Justice, and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889–1890, ” Agricultural History, 67 (Spring 1993), 65–82. For the argument that involvement in lynching physical physical violence against African Us citizens had been a way for Irish, Czechs, and Italians in Brazos County, Texas, to say “whiteness, ” see Cynthia Skove Nevels, Lynching to Belong: Claiming Whiteness through Racial Violence (College facility, 2007). On lynching as well as other types of collective physical violence in structural terms across worldwide countries, see Roberta Senechal de la Roche, “Collective physical physical physical Violence as Social Control, ” Sociological Forum, 11 (March 1996), 97–128. Manfred Berg and Simon Wendt, eds., Globalizing Lynching History: Vigilantism and Extralegal Punishment from an International Perspective (ny, 2011); Carrigan and Waldrep, eds., Swift to Wrath.
When it comes to argument that U.S. Lynching within the long nineteenth century paralleled respected lynching violence in modern Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa as a significant episode in contested state formation, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 88–91. This is simply not to reject or elide key structural variations in the contexts for mob physical physical violence among these respective countries. For contrasting interpretations of present Latin linchamientos that are american see Angelina Snodgrass Godoy, “When ‘Justice’ Is Criminal: Lynchings in modern Latin America, ” Theory and community, 33 (Dec. 2004), 621–51; and Christopher Krupa, “Histories in Red: methods for Seeing Lynching in Ecuador, ” American Ethnologist, 36 (Feb. 2009), 20–39. For a survey of nonstate violence in present years throughout the diverse areas of sub-Saharan Africa, see Bruce E. Baker, using the legislation into Their Hands that is own Law Enforcers in Africa (Aldershot, 2002).
I will be grateful to Edward T. Linenthal, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Bruce E. Baker, plus an anonymous reviewer for their commentary on an early on form of this essay.